I’ve always told myself that I would never become the writer that uses cultural references from animated films to make a point about something. Today that ends. Last year, I, like many others, found myself singing along with the music of Encanto’s We Don’t Talk About Bruno (although I felt that Surface Pressure by Luisa was a better song overall). Even before We Don’t Talk About Bruno arrived on the scene last year, there was one term that’s recently fallen into the same category as the Madigral’s outcast family member: Critical Race Theory or CRT. For many evangelicals, the term CRT isn’t referring to an academic movement as much as it’s a modern boogeyman looking to deceive the masses.
Opposition to CRT has recently become prominent among both political conservatives and some evangelicals. Both federal and state leaders have passed legislation to ban any discussion about topics perceived to be Critical Race Theory in classrooms and workplaces. Mr. Trump’s executive order in 2020 banned critical race theory from being taught in government agencies. Multiple states have passed bills banning CRT with several others moving them through the legislature. Within evangelicalism, several ministers and organizations have been condemning CRT along with the work of anti-racist authors including Ibram X. Kendi, Nicole Hannah-Jones, and Robin DiAngelo. The Southern Baptist Convention established Resoultion 9 in 2019 and in 2020 the SBC’s six seminary presidents made a statement condemning CRT as unbiblical, troubling, and incompatible with the Baptist Faith & Message.
In the most recent episode of CRT opposition, the trustees of Grove City College, a small conservative school in Pennsylvania, made a statement that it “categorically rejects Critical Race Theory and similar ‘critical’ schools of thought as antithetical to GCC’s mission and values.” Last fall, a petition to the board of trustees began circulating among parents and alumni of GCC who believed that CRT was “threatening the academic and spiritual foundations that make the school distinctly Christian.” The petiton came as a response after historian and author Dr. Jemar Tisby gave a chapel message at GCC in the fall of 2020. After citing Tisby’s chapel message, the petition called the historian “an outspoken apologist for CRT”, to which the board of trustees responded by defending itself stating that “in hindsight, inviting Mr. Tisby to speak in chapel was a mistake”, and blamed the scheduling of Dr. Tisby’s invitation on COVID-19.
What each of these statements against CRT made by white evangelicals has in common is the inability or unwillingness to actually define CRT or engage with any of its scholarship or original sources. In each document, CRT never refers to the academic movement within law schools but is used as a pejorative, a junk drawer term along with terms like “wokeness” that serve as a catch-all for any discussions about race. CRT is called a threat to the gospel, unbiblical, a radical philosophy, a destructive ideology, and divisive, while it is never explicitly defined. Instead, many of these same statements promote these organizations’ desire for racial unity and proceed to denounce racism as their leaders choose to define it. At best, what these evangelical organizations are doing with CRT is a deep and fundamental misunderstanding and a mischaracterization of clearly stated and accessible ideas, scholarship, and people, some of whom are followers of Jesus. At worst, this is slander, deceit, and a deep and abiding committment to the status quo of white supremacy. The history of white evangelicals in America has routinely subscribed to the latter.
But back to Bruno. While it appears that there are many (at least pastors) within evangelicalism who are convinced that cousin Bruno is CRT, insidiously lurking in the shadows beneath a green hood, it is more likely that Bruno is actually the sordid history and implications of America’s racial history, telling the truth about the country although it’s stories and prophets are deflected, rejected, and ignored. But for a minute, let’s indulge the warnings of this movement within evangelicalism and say that Bruno is CRT - but CRT properly defined more as a collective legal movement that examines the historical patterns of racial power dynamics in America. It’s possible that the real CRT might have more true things to say about the historic patterns of evangelicals dealing with race than evangelicals have true things to say about CRT.
It certainly doesn’t take a CRT scholar to identify this pattern among evangelicalism that we’re seeing with situations like Grove City College and the many statements against pop-CRT, but these situations prove Dr. Derrick Bell’s theory of interest convergence which states that, “the interest of blacks in achieving racial equality will be accommodated only when it converges with the interests of whites.” And on the contrary when black interests in pursuing equality diverge from white interests, then white backlash and retrenchment is the result. While Bell applies this theory more to the legal system and society, his theory exposes a pattern concerning how many white evangelicals continue to handle issues on race in the pursuit of racial unity. Situations like Grove City College and the SBC seminary presidents show that in these moments of racial reckoning in our country, many evangelical organizations and leaders are compelled for many reasons, including their own self-interest, to support this new civil rights movement. Black Christians have an interest in pursuing racial justice and Christian unity as the foundation of social equality while many white evangelicals have an interest in pursuing racial reconciliation and Christian unity as a substitute for social equality. The goal of unity is pursued as conversations and conferences are held, invitations to speak and swap pulpits are extended, books are published, and the truth is told, but it is always met with white backlash. And in the face of white backlash on multiple levels, interests begin to diverge, usually ending with Black voices being labeled as Marxist, Communist, or more recently, Critical Race Theorists. Consequently, statements are made by white-centered organizations denouncing racism and doubling down on a commitment to colorblindness, withdrawing any previous support held for the truth-tellers. The conversation shifts from actually talking about racism to talking about how to talk about racism. Progress is stalled or set back and the status quo of white supremacy within evangelicalism remains.
This is a pattern proves that many times, conversations about race and the gospel within evangelicalism only go as far as white leadership will allow, and as long as they do not disrupt the status quo. Time and time again within evangelicalism, it’s white-centered leadership that determines what is the responsible way to speak about racism and how racism should be addressed. A better way forward for these organizations might begin with listening to Black voices and truth-tellers and standing against the fear-mongering, mischaracterization, and misunderstanding that’s pervading our society concerning the history and present conditions of racism and white supremacy. The way forward would look like decentering the voices of those who predictably reject any discussion about racism, resisting the temptation to double down in self-preservation and colorblindness, and to follow the lead of those who lovingly and faithfully proclaim repentance, repair, and conciliation.
As evangelicalism’s house continues to crack concerning matters of racial unity, and the gift of prophetic witnesses who speak the truth about racism continue to be unwelcome, words like “CRT” will remain taboo until they’re exchanged for new words embodying the same resistance of white supremacy.
1 Curtis, Jesse., The Myth of Colorblind Christians: Evangelicals and White Supremacy in The Civil Rights Era, pg 43